The role of social media and the evolving ‘Senga institution’ among young people in urban Uganda
“Sexuality is traditionally seen as secret and sacred in much of Africa. Therefore, sex education is specific to the context, and the language used is discreet to minimise its impact on children’s values, morals, beliefs and behaviour. This approach aims to avoid conflicts with cultural and religious norms,” said Victoria Namuggala of the School of Women and Gender Studies at Makerere University. “In central Uganda, Sengas have traditionally served as a channel for young women’s sex education. My qualitative study on teenage parenthood in Uganda shows there is a new approach to sex education that disregards key principles of indigenous sex education and institutional affiliations. I argue that modern Sengas are more focused on profit than on preserving the indigenous qualities, such as secrecy and sacredness of sexuality.”
“This situation is further complicated by digital platforms, where services are advertised openly. These advertisements are explicit and often ignore language, age and context considerations,” she continued. “Urban youth are more engaged with social media and therefore more targeted. The information shared (some incorrect) can encourage sexual activity among young people and lure them into sex, leading to unplanned pregnancies, risky behaviours and sexual objectification, both external and self-directed. Because of their influence, Sengas could rather be effectively utilised to educate young people about sexuality and help them make informed decisions regarding their bodies and autonomy.”
Conceptualisation vs. reality
Namuggala started by noting that 25% of the nine million Ugandan teenagers become pregnant by the age of 19. In 2020 354 736 teenage pregnancies were reported.
“According to UNICEF 2021 data – 115 million boys were married before 18 years,” she said. “Of 500 boys who start P1, 50 will be fathers by P7 and 13.5% will drop out before P7 to look after their young families.”
“It’s a scary situation and one I’m trying to understand.”
She pointed out that it’s a situation strongly influenced by culture, religion (statistics vary but at least 86% of Ugandans identify as Christians and 13% as Muslim) and non-responsive national policies.
“You can’t just say anything or use any language − you will be labelled negatively and of bad character. There’s a need to live up to social expectations which means there is often a blind eye on the situation.”
“Education policies don’t allow comprehensive sex education, although biology is considered.”
Namuggala also noted the potential for harsh punishment which means that people don’t report teenage pregnancy and communities keep silent and handle the situation informally.
“If the father is imprisoned this leaves single mothers. The burden therefore comes back to the young women, and the children are labelled with stigmatising names.”
“In the central region where I did my research there is a lack of language to talk about sex and sexuality openly. Language is restricted in relation to sexuality. It’s regarded as obscene which signifies poor upbringing. You would be the talk of the town if you use such language
“The conceptualisation of adolescence doesn’t represent lived reality,” she added.
“Abortion is illegal but that doesn’t mean it’s not happening,” she continued. “People find ways of making it happen. Lives are risked and sometimes lost. Ironically the policy allows post-abortion care – so you are treated afterwards.”
“There’s also lots of self-policing,” she said. “My interviews indicate beliefs that abortion is more stigmatising than pregnancy, you can’t add the sin of abortion and keeping the pregnancy shows maturity.”
Namuggala’s study is grounded in feminist and indigenous epistemology. It is qualitative and based on key-informant interviews and the gathering of life stories. It includes adolescents aged 10 to 19 years (some pregnant, some with children, and some married) as well as caregivers and local educators. The resulting book will include sections on the history of adolescent parenthood, indigenous perspectives as well as adolescent motherhood and fatherhood.
Many of the respondents are in vocational training or employed as domestic workers, boda boda drivers and casual labourers.
“Some also do sex work to top up their other jobs – one socially acceptable job and one hustle to survive,” she explained.
Changing sexuality training
For her seminar Namuggala focused on the changing world of sexuality training providing details of the modern Senga as well as the Ganda Culture Holiday Camp in the central region which trains young people to revitalise culture. “But you must be able to afford to pay − $120 for two weeks. People not in school or not working can’t afford it. It’s also conducted in English. So, it’s discriminatory. The skills learnt including cooking and crafts also further emphasise gender division of labor,” she said.
Regarding Senga, Namuggala explained that it is a Kiganda reference to paternal aunts (literally fathers’ sisters) who are traditionally responsible for orienting and teaching young women about cultural values including skills, values and practices including sexuality.
“However, political and economic changes in the 1970s including Structural Adjustment Programmes meant many men became unemployed and this shifted women’s roles. In the urban areas Senga services became more commercialised as an income-generation activity and sexuality discourse came into the public realm. Sengas are at the intersection of culture, health and sexuality – and seen as a safe space to talk about sexuality.”
“Traditional Senga was about preservation of culture and only for females. Now there is a much more profit-orientated emphasis. And as it’s also online it’s all about likes and subscribers.”
“Sengas today are working to survive not only to pass on values and skills,” she added.
Although Sengas argue that they are doing a service, Namuggala’s interviews have highlighted that although they are sometimes seen as giving adolescents a voice, and building their confidence and self-esteem, they are still teaching young women all about pleasing their men – by not denying sex, prioritising male pleasure, putting pressure on themselves to satisfy men and putting women into competition with other women.
“The modern version of Senga therefore has negative consequences for both feminist and indigenous epistemologies relating to sexuality and pregnancy,” she concluded. “It disempowers young women, promotes individualism and puts in public what is meant culturally to be private. Senga plays a crucial role in sexual education in a digital context but the consequences are negative and positive. We recommend that Sengas give appropriate information that empowers rather than disempowering messages including male dominance, submission and sexual objectification.”
Michelle Galloway: Part-time media officer at STIAS
Photograph: SCPS Photography